These findings come ahead of the first comprehensive review of the Syrian curriculum under the auspices of the new regime, which IMPACT-se will soon publish.

Read the full analysis here.

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The analysis shows how Iran’s education system advances the regime’s Khomeinist ideology, presenting nuclear dominance and the glorification of jihadist leaders as central to its national and religious identity.

By analyzing curriculum content and educational messaging, the article raises urgent questions about how state education furthers the regime’s intentions and what this may mean for the long-term stability of the Middle East.

The post From Classroom to Conflict: Iranian Textbooks and the Ideological Roots of the US-Iran-Israel War appeared first on IMPACT-se.

Please find the paper here.

The post When Education Diverges from Law: LGBTQ Narratives in Jordanian and Egyptian Textbooks appeared first on IMPACT-se.

Please find the paper here.

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The post Towards Peace Education in the Middle East and North Africa: A Pan-Abrahamic View appeared first on IMPACT-se.

Across African curricula, the teaching of conflict resolution as a civic and moral value emerges as a recurring theme, particularly in Ethiopia, Nigeria, and South Sudan. In all three contexts, peace is presented as a practical skill set, integral to democratic participation, social stability, and national development. Textbooks consistently emphasize non-violent approaches such as dialogue, negotiation, reconciliation, and cooperation, while condemning violence as socially and economically destructive. Moreover, peace education is embedded across multiple disciplines, demonstrating a systematic curricular effort to cultivate peaceful coexistence as a shared societal value. This broad consensus suggests that, despite differing national trajectories and histories, these countries view conflict resolution as essential for nurturing responsible citizens and ensuring long-term stability.

Ethiopia:

Ethiopia is one of the world’s oldest Christian nations, with the religion enforced by the monarchy until the twentieth century. Ethiopia is home to over 80 ethnic groups, the largest being Oromo and Amhara, followed by Tigray, Somali, and Sidama. While this diversity is reflected in the country’s ethnic federal system, it has also fueled tensions. The country has a large Muslim presence, comprising roughly one third of the population, and has a long history of coexistence between the two religions, with some tension under more dogmatic national leaders. Ethiopia, one of the only African nations never colonized, was briefly occupied by Italy from 1936 to 1941 before Emperor Haile Selassie was restored. His modernization efforts and international leadership ended with his overthrow in 1974 by the Marxist Derg regime, whose rule brought repression, famine, and civil conflict until its fall in 1991. Due to its successful resistance and brief experience of occupation, Ethiopia became a symbol of independence and anti-colonial pride across Africa, later hosting the Organization of African Unity in Addis Ababa. Today, Ethiopia remains a major regional power but faces deep political and ethnic challenges.

Based on its history as an independent nation, fighting off bids for colonization, Ethiopian school textbooks consistently present conflict resolution as a central civic and democratic value, framing it as indispensable to both social stability and national cohesion. This is not simply discussed as a practical tool, but as a normative principle that students are encouraged to internalize. The Grade 11 History textbook, for example, draws on episodes of past conflict between Ethiopians, Christians, and Muslims to highlight the importance of resolving disputes peacefully, suggesting that such historical models provide lessons for contemporary society. Similarly, the Grade 12 Geography textbook situates conflict resolution within Ethiopia’s own cultural context, showcasing indigenous mechanisms that reduce inter-ethnic tensions through processes of reconciliation, forgiveness, and respect for elders. These examples emphasize that peaceful resolution is not only desirable, but deeply rooted in Ethiopian traditions, reinforcing its legitimacy as a civic value.

At the same time, the textbooks acknowledge the complexities of real-world conflict. The Grade 10 Citizenship textbook, for example, concedes that aggression may be necessary in the face of foreign invasion, before ultimately emphasizing the importance of peace. This nuance reflects the lasting imprint of Ethiopia’s historical encounters with colonial and external threats, demonstrating that while non-violence and reconciliation are taught as guiding principles, they are framed against a backdrop of national vulnerability. Overall, the curriculum deliberately cultivates conflict resolution as a moral and social value, embedding it within both Ethiopia’s historical memory and its indigenous traditions, and promoting it as a cornerstone of democratic citizenship.

Image: Citizenship, Grade 10, pp. 42, 98-99

Nigeria:

Before colonial rule, the territory of present-day Nigeria was home to diverse kingdoms and societies. In the late 19th century, Britain consolidated control of the country through conquest and treaties, formally creating the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria in 1914 by merging the northern and southern protectorates. This colonial unification bound together regions with very different histories, religions, and cultures, through indirect governance; they relied on Muslim emirs in the North and opened the South to Christian missionaries, introducing western education. As a result of this rule, the North became predominantly Muslim, while Christianity thrived in the South. Nigeria is also home to over 250 ethnic groups, the most dominant of which are the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo, all of which have distinct ethnic identities tied to their respective places of dwelling. These regional divides and colonial legacy were inherited by Nigeria upon its independence in 1960, creating regional tensions evident today.

Given this legacy of colonialism, there is a strong emphasis on independence and anti-colonial narratives in Nigeria, combined with a desire to retain peace and stability. In a manner similar to Ethiopia, emphasis on conflict resolution as a civic value is evident in the Nigerian curriculum, where textbooks across multiple subjects consistently highlight peace, dialogue, and non-violence as essential foundations for democratic citizenship and national cohesion.

Nigerian textbooks place a strong normative emphasis on peace and non-violent conflict resolution, presenting these not only as desirable societal outcomes but also as practical skills for democratic citizenship. Christian Religious Studies textbooks articulate this principle explicitly, stating that “war is not good for any nation,” while History materials commemorate significant peace-building moments in Nigeria’s past. Across subjects, students are encouraged to acquire practical competencies, such as conflict resolution, cross-cultural communication, and cooperation, defined in one History text as “agreement … among a group or groups of people.”

The curriculum links these values directly to the attainment of peace, with multiple subjects guiding students to define and analyze concepts such as conflict, cooperation, and disagreement, while stressing the role of dialogue and communication in addressing disputes. Civic Education textbooks outline specific skills, such as dialogue, negotiation, and arbitration, as mechanisms for restoring peace, whereas New Government textbooks position problem-solving and peace as central learning objectives. Civic and Security Education textbooks extend this framework to contemporary issues, citing the Amnesty Project in the Niger Delta as a case study in peaceful conflict resolution mediated through multinational organizations. Similarly, History textbooks highlight Nigeria’s contributions to continental unity and peaceful diplomacy, referencing reconciliation initiatives in post-war contexts as models to be emulated.

Moreover, the curriculum seeks to normalize conflict as part of social life while steering students toward constructive responses. For instance, a Basic Social Studies textbook identifies dissatisfaction with government as a potential source of conflict but stresses the positive outcomes of non-violent approaches, such as the generation of new ideas and leadership reform. This mirrors the Ethiopian curriculum, which acknowledges the potential positive aspects of conflict, while ultimately returning to a strong emphasis on conflict resolution as the desired approach. By presenting conflict as both a challenge and an opportunity, these materials cultivate a mindset in which peace and reconciliation are practical values to be enacted in civic and political life.

Image: Basic Social Studies with Security Education, Grade 9, (2015) pp. 45-46.

South Sudan:

Sudan became independent in 1956, following years under British-Egyptian colonial rule. Similar to Nigeria, the country was Christian in the South, and predominantly Muslim in the North; both were administrated separately. The separation of these two areas has contributed to regional tensions post-independence, with two civil wars occurring in which Southern rebels fought against the Khartoum government’s efforts to impose Islamic law. The end of these wars occurred in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, leading to a referendum, whereby the South voted overwhelmingly for independence, establishing South Sudan as a state in 2011. Despite this, devastating civil wars have continued, with fragile peace agreements plastering over entrenched societal issues; South Sudan continues to face challenges in maintaining stability in the new nation. It is also home to a multiplicity of ethnicities, with more than 60 groups, the largest of which are the Dinka and Nuer, which have endured cycles of hostility between them.

Considering the nascence of this state, and its history fraught not only with colonialism but also significant levels of infighting, the South Sudanese education system has put forth efforts to entrench peace education among the next generation. South Sudanese textbooks place a strong normative emphasis on peace as both a civic value and a foundation for national development. The Grade 8 Social Studies textbook explicitly links peace with societal progress, encouraging students to view reconciliation and the pursuit of harmony as pathways to improving their communities. Peace is thus framed not only as a moral good but as a practical necessity for building a stable and prosperous society.

The Grade 10 Citizenship textbook broadens this perspective by situating violence within a wider regional and continental context. Students are prompted to recognize the harmful socioeconomic consequences of conflict for many African countries, with South Sudan presented as a case in point. By underscoring the devastating effects of violence on development and stability, the text explicitly calls for non-violence as the appropriate means of resolving disputes, thereby embedding peace into both personal ethics and national policy discourse.

Peace education is further reinforced in Grade 8 Social Studies, which instructs students to integrate anti-violence into daily life. Texts promote dialogue over violence and emphasize peacekeeping mechanisms designed to foster unity and coexistence. Students are encouraged to recognize the necessity of living peacefully with others and the possibilities of achieving reconciliation through non-violent approaches. Together, these materials reveal a deliberate curricular effort to instill in students the conviction that peaceful coexistence is attainable, desirable, and indispensable for the nation’s recovery and development.

Image: Social Studies, Grade 8, p.86

While the shared emphasis on non-violence and reconciliation underscores a common pedagogical goal between these three countries, each curriculum reflects its unique historical and political context. Ethiopia situates peace within its indigenous traditions and historical memory, acknowledging the defensive use of violence against foreign aggression but ultimately privileging reconciliation. Nigeria integrates peace education into a broader framework of democratic participation and civic responsibility, even allowing for the recognition of conflict’s constructive potential when resolved peacefully. South Sudan, by contrast, frames peace as an existential necessity, directly tied to development and survival in a post-conflict society, with violence depicted as wholly destructive. Unlike the Nigerian and Ethiopian systems, the South Sudanese education system does not include caveats that leave space for violence; instead, it unequivocally condemns it, reflecting a deliberate effort to help heal society from the deep scars of recent conflict. Taken together, these cases highlight the ways in which African states deploy education as a means of embedding conflict resolution into civic identity, each tailoring the message to its own historical experience, yet collectively affirming peace and conflict resolution.

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Globally, curricula are continually revised and reformed in response to a range of motivations and pressures, each shaped by the unique political, social, and cultural contexts of individual countries. In the Middle East, these reforms can be broadly categorized into overhauls and modifications, in line with either progressive or regressive values. From the shock of 9/11 to the upheavals of the Arab Spring, the rise of ISIS, and ambitious national visions such as Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, governments have increasingly recognized that textbooks are not only educational tools but also instruments for shaping national security, social cohesion, and international image.

Each method reveals something different about the country’s priorities and future trajectory. This can involve the revision of educational content, pedagogical approaches, and assessment methodologies to effectively address the dynamic needs of both society and students. These reforms are frequently initiated in response to societal transformations, technological advancements, and evolving perspectives in educational philosophy. Importantly, each country follows its own path to curricular reform, shaped by its unique political objectives. These aims are often reflected in the content being included or removed from curricula, offering valuable insight into national values and political direction; curriculum reform, in this sense, serves as a window into a country’s broader priorities and aspirations.

Within this regional landscape, the emergence of a new regime in post-Assad Syria places the country at a crossroads in redefining its identity, a process made visible through its education system. Will it align with progressive reform models that emphasize tolerance and modernization, or follow more regressive patterns marked by politicization and ideological indoctrination? Drawing on available data, this report examines the trajectory of Middle Eastern curriculum modifications to date, as compiled by IMPACT-se.

In the Middle East, curricular reform is frequently motivated by aspirations to modernize education systems, cultivate national identity and address socio-political challenges. These reforms manifest in content revision, ideological reorientation and the incorporation of new subjects. Textbook modifications span across comprehensive revisions to targeted edits, where problematic content is removed, revised or contextualized. IMPACT-se has generated extensive research into education systems, including countries within the Middle East, such as Egypt, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Syria. Curricular reform in these countries has occurred both in response to IMPACT-se’s findings and as part of broader, independent efforts aligned with national trends.

This piece is an analysis of the curricular changes in each of these countries, with specific reference to content identified by IMPACT-se, either as currently present in the curriculum or, in some cases, recently removed. This research often reflects the political trajectories of different countries and provides a lens through which their underlying value systems can be understood. Some countries, like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, have opted for a curriculum overhaul or specific modifications, re-establishing the curriculum along international educational standards, while others like Yemen and Jordan and the PA have enacted a curriculum overhaul or made specific changes which are more regressive.

These models of progressive or regressive overhaul and modification characterize overarching trends within the Middle East, and align with the political trajectories of each country. However, this piece will also shed light on the Syrian education system.[1]

Curriculum overhaul:

Since 2018, Egypt has been implementing a sweeping curriculum reform initiative aimed at aligning its education system with international benchmarks and instilling values of peace, tolerance, and coexistence.[2] This reform process entails the revision of textbooks spanning from kindergarten through the secondary level, with a systematic review and revision conducted for one grade level annually. The reformed textbooks have removed incitement to violence, extremism and hatred, and instead advocate for peace and tolerance principles, shared values, justice, equality and human rights.

Several specific changes to textbook content reflect a shift toward more inclusive values.[3] Antisemitic stereotypes have been removed and replaced with messages promoting tolerance and coexistence between Islam and Judaism, exemplified through the introduction of a new textbook subject titled “Values and Respect for the Other.” Passages that once glorified martyrdom in combat or praised terror attacks against Israelis have also been eliminated. However, problematic material continues to appear in unrevised textbooks for Grades 8–12, which have not yet undergone reform. These include negative portrayals of Israel, depicted as an illegitimate, colonialist entity, often omitted from maps, and narratives that present the liberation of Palestine as a religious duty. Additionally, some unrevised materials still express ambivalent or hostile views toward Jewish people, particularly within religious or historical discussions. Despite these ongoing concerns, meaningful progress can be seen in newly reformed textbooks and the selective removal of harmful content at higher grade levels, signaling genuine efforts to improve curricula, even in the absence of full-scale revisions.

For example, a Grade 3 Arabic Language textbook instructs students on the art of engaging in discussions and exchanging ideas, emphasizing the potential benefits of divergent opinions and the positive attributes of diversity. Additionally, a Christian Religious Education textbook discusses an event involving Jesus’ disciples in Jerusalem, underscoring the historical connection of Jewish people to Jerusalem. Conversely, some textbooks continue to include problematic content. A Grade 11 unrevised textbook, Egypt and Islamic Civilization, still portrays “the Jews” as a threat to the Prophet Muhammad and the early Muslim state, accusing them of using various tactics to undermine Islam, such as distorting the Prophet’s image, forming hostile alliances, and plotting assassinations. However, these textbooks are pre-reform, and so it is unsurprising that this content remains.

The below example features a Grade 5 Islamic Education textbook, which asks students to write a booklet on respecting others, including Jews, citing the Prophet and the Treaty of Medina. This excerpt exemplifies tolerance and coexistence between Islam and Judaism, replacing previous antisemitic examples, which had used Islamic stories to attack Jews.

Left image: Pre-reform – Antisemitic lesson on the Yom Kippur War.

Islamic Religious Education, Grade 5, Vol. 2, 2021-22, pp. 11-14
Right image: After reform – lesson underlining tolerance and coexistence between Islam and Judaism.

Islamic Religious Education, Grade 5, Vol. 1, 2024-25, pp. 62, 79

These findings reveal that Egypt is successfully attempting to align its curriculum with international standards, but is somewhat lacking in the realm of discussing Jews and martyrdom, which remains in higher unrevised grades. These changes reflect a broader effort to modernize the education system and align it more closely with standards of peace and tolerance. In doing so, they signal a shift in Egypt’s national trajectory. The curriculum serves as a clear indicator of the country’s aspirations and the direction in which it seeks to move.

Egypt is a clear example of progression in line with international standards of education, yet curricular changes may also be manifest in regressive reforms, such as in the Houthi school system. A curriculum reform was carried out by the Houthis, who revised their textbooks to include jihadist and violent content. The Houthi slogan including “Death to America – Death to Israel” is included in numerical exercises, and children are taught of the bliss that awaits martyrs in paradise.[4] This highlights that not all curricular reforms align with international standards or promote positive, peaceful values, and instead more regressive values are evident.[5] The Houthi case thus exemplifies how educational overhauls have the capacity to steer curricula away from universal educational values and toward radicalization and militarization.

Curriculum modifications:

A second method of curricular reform is demonstrated through specific modifications. Saudi Arabia has been engaged in curricular revision since the early 2000s. The revisions have been clearly reflective of the Saudi government’s ‘Vision 2030’ which emphasizes openness, entrepreneurial spirit and patriotism.[6] Reports on the Saudi curriculum indicate substantial improvement in textbooks, with progress towards a holistic educational approach. This is evidenced by the creation of a new school subject entitled ‘Critical Thinking,’ which indicates its movement towards a more tolerant and open-minded curriculum.

For example, accusations against Christians and Jews of intentionally distorting scripture have been removed, and maps previously labelling Israel as Palestine now omit country names, although the curriculum remains firmly dedicated to the Palestinian cause alone.[7] A Grade 12 Social Studies textbook, which taught that “Zionists” deliberately tried to burn down the Al-Aqsa Mosque, was removed in 2023, and a passage in a high school Social Studies textbook titled “The Attempt to Create the Zionist Entity” was changed to “The British Mandate for Palestine.” Further to this, references to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and presentations of Jews using women and drugs have been removed.

Other changes are evident in attitudes towards atheism, where textbooks no longer teach students that the phenomenon is more common among non-Muslims due to their “pride and arrogance,” as was taught in 2022. The explanation that atheism may have occurred only in Muslim “souls that the devil has taken over” was also removed. However, students still learn that communication with atheists as well as psychological disorders may lead to atheism, which is presented as dangerous to society. Homophobia has been reduced in the curriculum, although some examples remain. Overall, these curricular changes reflect attitudes of religious inclusivity and tolerance, propounded by the ‘Vision 2030’ programme. Conversely, Grade 3 students are taught that house chores are primarily the responsibility of the mother, which is demonstrative of a more conservative attitude to gender roles at the heart of Saudi society, although some positive changes have occurred, including the removal of an example stating that women must obey their husbands.

Regressive Curriculum Changes

While Saudi Arabia serves as evidence of a more progressive form of modification, curricular changes in Jordan exemplify regressive modifications. In the wake of the ISIS era, Jordanian society was presented with an opportunity to reassess and reshape its core values. This moment led to the establishment of a governmental committee in 2015, which initiated significant textbook reforms. These revisions serve as a reflection of Jordan’s evolving national identity and offer insight into the country’s trajectory in the post-ISIS period.[8]

Close examination of the Jordanian curriculum reveals that while peace and tolerance principles were conceptually desirable as values, the reforms fell short of tangible improvement, particularly regarding its exclusion of Israel from principles of respect, and the lack of mention of Israeli-Jordanian peace treaties.[9] A Grade 10 Islamic Education textbook portrays Jews collectively as treacherous by merging separate incidents into a single narrative of “betrayal” against the Prophet Muhammad, including expulsions and punishments framed as justified. By tying these acts to the seizure of property and control of resources, it reinforces antisemitic stereotypes of Jews as both disloyal and economically threatening, shaping perceptions of them as perpetual enemies of Islam.

The curriculum’s general perspective on Israel is antagonistic, and concerning content remains, such as the glorification of martyrdom. For example, a newly introduced History textbook refers to the Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty in a negative light; rather than framing it as a pursuit of peace and reconciliation, the narrative reinforces hostility. The treaty is not celebrated as a historic achievement but cast as an unfortunate necessity — a decision portrayed as forced upon Jordan to curb Israeli expansionism and to reclaim the “stolen” waters of the Jordan River. In doing so, the text sustains the image of Israel as an aggressive expansionist state, undermining the very premise UNESCO standards of education, which promote peace making as a method to resolve conflict.

History of Jordan, Grade 11 (Academic Track), Vol. 2, 2024, pp. 37-38.

These instances of targeted removals and modifications across curricula demonstrate how some Middle Eastern countries have attempted to align their curricula with international standards, whereas others have introduced regressive content as part of reform efforts. Saudi Arabia’s modifications align with the trajectory of the Egyptian curriculum, as both aim to incorporate international values into their respective education systems, despite Saudi Arabia pursuing more selective and less holistic reforms, demonstrated through retaining gender stereotypes in the curriculum. It is clear that not all forms of curricular reform are inherently positive, as demonstrated by Jordan’s continued inclusion of antisemitic and violent content in its textbooks.

The Syrian trajectory:

Curricular overhaul and modification represent two primary forms of educational reform currently observed across the Middle East. With the emergence of a new regime in Syria, it will be important to monitor how the country’s educational landscape evolves. The following examples illustrate regressive ideas, comparable in their backward orientation to those seen in the Assad curriculum, though these examples introduce an Islamized element. It remains to be seen whether further reforms will align with the progressive or regressive models of overhaul or modification identified elsewhere in the region.

Thus far, the regime has placed heavy emphasis on changes to counteract the Assad regime’s influence on education.[10] Following nearly 14 years of conflict, the rise of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in Syria has led to a significant number of educational reforms in a document published by the new Minister of Education, Nadhir Al-Qadiri, reflecting a reshaping of Syrian society. The reforms include officially declared and undeclared directives to be incorporated into the curriculum: officially declared directives consist of replacing the official Syrian flag with the revolution’s flag, referring to the Ottoman Empire as a “regime” or “sultanate” instead of an “occupation,” and removing nationalistic (civic) studies. Undeclared directives consist of the removal of Assad-associated content, and the Islamization of the curriculum. These directives reflect the politicization of the curriculum in alignment with the new regime’s political agenda, most notably seen in the removal of content associated with the Assad era.[11]

Specifically, images of the Syrian flag in Mathematics and Chemistry textbooks have been replaced with that of the regime flag, and references to the “Ottoman occupation” have been replaced with the phrase “Ottoman regime” which is indicative of potential ties between Syria and Turkey. The curriculum reform also extends to the removal of historic and national figures, such as Abu Khalil al-Qabbani, Sulaiman al-Issa and Nazik al-Abid, from social studies textbooks. In addition, the definition of a martyr has been changed from one who dies defending the homeland, to one who dies to “raise God’s word,” indicating a religious addition to the curriculum, in accordance with Islamic values. This reflects a revolutionary regime shift and a corresponding paradigm change, marked by the deliberate removal of content related to the previous Assad regime. While many curricular modifications are politically motivated, this case represents an explicit and comprehensive overhaul of the former regime’s educational narrative.

Image: Syrian curriculum guidelines enforcing the replacement of the Assad regime’s flag with that of the new regime.

Although Minister Al-Qadiri claimed the curriculum revisions would be limited to correcting inaccuracies in Islamic Education, analysis reveals a far broader reform effort. The changes span multiple subjects and reflect HTS’s continued adherence to Islamist ideology, marked by the Islamification of content and the removal of Assad-era and Western ideas. These early revisions highlight the new regime’s ideological priorities and signal a wider political and educational shift in Syria. Political shifts are also reflected in the curriculum, for instance, the change in phrasing from ‘Ottoman occupation’ to ‘Ottoman regime,’ a subtle but deliberate adjustment that signals the potential for closer Syrian ties with Turkey.

There have already been targeted modifications within the Syrian curriculum aimed at removing content associated with the Assad regime. However, it remains unclear whether a comprehensive overhaul will follow once a new regime is more firmly established. Syria will be a key country to watch in this regard. As the example of the Houthis demonstrates, curriculum changes can be leveraged not only for constructive reform but also to entrench extremist ideologies, promote violence, and advance the political agendas of those in power.

Conclusion:

This piece has examined two distinct forms of educational reform across the Middle East: comprehensive curriculum overhauls and targeted content modifications. These approaches are evident in the evolving curricula of Egypt, Yemen, Jordan and Saudi Arabia.

Curriculum reform across the Middle East serves as a mirror reflecting each nation’s political trajectory, social priorities, and ideological commitments. Through the comparative analysis of overhaul and modification models, it becomes clear that educational reform is neither inherently progressive nor universally aligned with international standards. While countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia demonstrate meaningful efforts to modernize curricula and promote inclusive values, cases such as Jordan and the Houthi-controlled system in Yemen illustrate how reform can also be used to reinforce intolerance, extremism, and politicized narratives.

Syria now stands at a pivotal moment. The removal of Assad-era content and early signals of ideological reorientation suggest that its educational system is being reshaped in the image of the new regime. However, it remains uncertain whether this transformation will align with progressive, internationally recognized educational values or mirror the regressive, radicalizing overhauls seen elsewhere. This curriculum warrants close scrutiny, not only to assess its alignment with global educational norms, but also to understand the broader political and ideological future Syria may be carving out through its classrooms. As the region continues to evolve, education remains both a battleground and a blueprint for the next generation.

[1] https://carnegieendowment.org/middle-east/diwan/2024/12/bashar-al-assad-of-syria-has-been-ousted-from-power?lang=en&center=middle-east

[2] https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/report-finds-progress-in-egypts-education-reform-with-students-taught-peace-tolerance/

[3] https://www.impact-se.org/wp-content/uploads/Review-of-Changes-and-Remaining-Problematic-Content-in-EgyptianTextbooks.pdf

[4] https://www.impact-se.org/wp-content/uploads/Review-of-Houthi-Educational-Materials-in-Yemen_2015-19.pdf

[5] https://www.yemenpolicy.org/look-out-your-son-could-be-the-next-martyr-changes-to-north-yemens-school-textbooks/

[6] https://www.vision2030.gov.sa/en

[7] https://www.impact-se.org/wp-content/uploads/Updated-Review-Saudi-Textbooks-2023-24.pdf

[8] https://thearabweekly.com/jordanians-divided-educational-reform

[9] https://www.impact-se.org/wp-content/uploads/Jordanian-Education-Report.pdf

[10] https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c1ln12056ppo

[11] https://www.impact-se.org/wp-content/uploads/A-Review-of-Hayat-Tahrir-al-Shams-Intended-Changes-to-the-Syrian-Curriculum.pdf

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From an historical perspective, Iran’s nuclear ambitions trace back to the 1950s, during the reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. With the support of the United States through President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s “Atoms for Peace” initiative, Iran began developing its nuclear infrastructure allegedly as a peaceful civilian program. Iran became a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968 and ratified it in 1970, thereby agreeing not to pursue nuclear weapons and to allow inspections of its nuclear facilities by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The 1979 Islamic Revolution, which toppled the monarchy and brought a theocratic regime to power, was initially skeptical of nuclear technology, associating it with Western influence, and initially suspended many nuclear projects, focusing instead on missile technology. However, the devastating results of the Iran-Iraq war, in which Saddam Hussein reportedly fired chemical weapons against the Iranian people, reignited the Iranian regime’s interest in nuclear technology as a strategic asset. Support from countries such as Pakistan, China, and later Russia helped Iran revive its nuclear program, and by the early 2000s Western intelligence agencies began suspecting Iran of concealing efforts to develop nuclear weapons under the guise of a civilian energy initiative.[1]

The failure of the latest round of negotiations between Iran and the U.S, preceded by the withdrawal of the U.S. from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) agreement signed in 2015, have pitted Iran and Israel more closely against one another. To this point, Tehran refuses to halt its enrichment and continues its attacks on Israeli military and civilian targets alike, while Israel aims at destroying Iran’s nuclear capabilities.

In this dramatic context, it is important to address how Iran’s commitment to war with Israel, the U.S., and indeed the broader West, promulgating a global revolution, emanates from a particular radical Islamist ideology – Khomeinism, introduced by the leader of the Islamic Revolution Imam Ruhullah Khomeini. Key to this ideology, and drawing on Twelver Shii messianic theology and political theory, the Imam or its jurist representatives (i.e. the Ayatollahs) are political leaders ordained and tasked to promulgate Shii Islam not only in the Muslim world but to the entire world, by any means necessary. In Khomeini’s own words, quoted in the Iranian curriculum, “Our war is a war of conviction, and it does not know geography or borders. And in our war of faith, we must launch a major mobilization of Islamic troops in the world.”[2] Importantly, Iran has impressed this ideology into its education system. School textbooks and curricula are widely recognized as strong political indicators because they often reflect the prevailing ideologies, values, and political agendas of those in power at the time of their creation or revision.[3] To better understand Iran’s entrenched stance, and how it maintains this stance while facing international sanctions coupled with economic and political instability, it is thus vital to expound how Iran inculcates its students on global war, the West, foreign influence, its position in the Middle East, uncompromising militia doctrine, and its nuclear vision.

Inculcating the Khomeinist Revolution and Demonization of the West

Maintaining the legitimacy of the Islamic Khomeinist vision requires constant affirmation and veneration of the regime’s symbols and simultaneously vilifying its enemies. Indeed, this is a common facet of Shii Islam, which throughout history instituted in its believers the dualistic concept and practices of walāya and barā’a – i.e., absolute veneration of the Shii Imams and dissociation from their enemies through defamation, vilification, and cursing rituals.[4] Iran’s role in promoting the global Khomeinist revolution occupies a significant place in state issued textbooks. Utilizing a discourse reminiscent of the cult of saints, students are taught to venerate its religious political leaders Imam Khomeini most of all, and to some lesser degree the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei.[5] Moreover, the glorification of jihad against the West and martyrdom is promulgated through graphic portrayals of infamous military and terrorist figures who died promoting the values of the Khomeinist revolution, chiefly General Qasem Soleimani.[6] The glorification of Qasem Soleimani, which occurs across multiple school grades and subjects, is particularly telling of Iran’s dedication towards inculcating its future generations in aggressive anti-Western warfare as a key element of the Islamic revolution. Soleimani symbolized the peak of Iran’s militia doctrine, and textbooks glorify his heroic role in Iran’s proxy wars defending Islam. His leadership in regional conflicts is portrayed as beneficial, promising strategic gains for Iran and its allies. Iranian militias across Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen have been depicted as a unified resistance front, an essential pillar of Iranian interests.[7] Such depiction may prompt students to accept ongoing regional conflicts as legitimate and absolutely necessary.

LESSON 6: Patterns and Role Models of Steadfastness and Resistance

“Martyrs are bright lights that illuminate society, the future, and history” Ayatollah Khamenei, Supreme Leader, September 18, 2012

Defense Readiness, Grade 10, 2024-25 (1403), p. 45.

A noticeable innovation of Khomeinist education, as compared to more traditional forms of Shiism, is the shift in hate from a focus on Sunnis towards what is often described as the Imperialist West. Beyond geopolitical considerations, the curriculum inculcates total aversion to Western values, such as secularism and non-Islamic family and sexual norms. The Iranian curriculum teaches students that they are constantly under threat, most notably from the United States. Students are taught that the foreign threat of the West, chiefly the United States, seeks to prevent Iran from spreading Islamic culture worldwide and brainwash the Iranian people. There is a notable thread in Iranian textbooks that instils in students a sense of paranoia when it comes to “foreigners.” Furthermore, the dedication to Khomeinist Iran is taught as a benchmark to determine who is and who is not a legitimate Muslim. Students learn that Muslims who do not follow the anti-foreigner policies of Iran should not be considered Muslims.[8]

Said to strengthen unity and resistance against the enemies of Iran, textbooks describe annual school protests such as the “National Day of Fighting Arrogance (America)” as having students involved in ritually shouting slogans like “Death to Israel” and “Death to America”.[9] American leaders are routinely vilified, and the United States is characterized as the Satanic enemy of God and of the Prophets, whose primary aim is to destroy Iran through conducting proxy wars across the region.[10] Notably, pre-revolutionary American-Iranian relations are described in a skewed manner, with the American and British ambassadors depicted as having fully controlled Iran during that period, with the US embassy hostages presented as spies.[11]

[Text under illustration] The National Heroic Resistance of Iran against Internal and Foreign Threats

[Illustration caption. The slings and arrows read:] Terrorist groups, spy organizations, arrogant countries’ bases, improper imports, hoarding, brokerage, and sanctions [in red, attached to chains.]

Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), p. 17.

The slogan of “Death to America” emanates from the faith and the belief of the heroic nation of Iran that has become a resounding voice against American arrogant disposition. This slogan means death to tyranny, aggression, slaughter, terrorism, sanctions, and antihuman policies of the American government.

Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), p. 31.

Look and Say

What is the relation between the image and the Imam’s statement about Israel?

[Khomeini:] “Israel must be wiped out!”

Heaven’s Presents, Grade 5, 2023-24 (1403), p. 102.

Iran’s Position in the Arab Middle East and the Promotion of Militia Doctrine

Iran’s perceived role in repelling Western aggression is also evident in how its curriculum legitimizes militia doctrine in the Arab Middle East. As part of the wider aim to export Iran’s envisaged revolutionary war across the region, students learn that Iranians should support the jihad of Arab proxy militias in the pursuit of fomenting regional instability. To advance this strategy, Arabic is taught as a pragmatic tool for preparing Iranian students for jihad operations.[12] The curriculum presents Iran as playing a pivotal role in defending the Southwest Asia region, which has endured numerous wars and assaults. It is presented as an inspirational model for the region’s populations to revolt against what are described as their “oppressive” regimes. Iran is also portrayed as a leading advocate for the oppressed, with particular emphasis on its support for the Palestinians. According to the educational narrative, Iran derives its strength from its strategic geography, substantial population, geopolitical significance, abundant oil and gas resources, and advancements in military science and technology—all of which are channelled into destabilizing neighboring countries.[13]

Notably, the Sunni Arab majority in the Arab world is depicted through a dual lens. On one hand, they are seen as fellow Muslims and oppressed communities who benefit from Iranian support and are engaged in Iran’s ongoing jihadist struggle. On the other hand, historical grievances linger—particularly memories of Arab conquerors and Sunni dynasties that subjugated Iranians and Shiites. Those Sunni actors who reject Iranian dominance, normalize relations with Israel, or maintain strong ties with the United States or the West are often portrayed as collaborators and traitors.[14] Students are also encouraged to partner with radical Sunni groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which is praised as being “the most original intellectual movement in the Islamic Awakening [the Arab Spring, for Iranians] of the Sunnis”. This cooperation is framed as a Sunni and Shii contribution to the “Islamic Awakening” (civil protest movements and civil wars in the Arab world).[15] Nonetheless, the curriculum warns against radical Salafi-Jihadi and takfiri groups and ideologies such as ISIS, which are explicitly and systematically presented as having been formed by “colonialist countries”, especially the U.S. and Saudi Arabia.[16]

To further promote the Khomeinist ideology, the curriculum militarizes youth and conditions students as soldiers in a global battle to expand the Islamic Revolution. Defense Readiness textbooks for high school teach military concepts and wartime survival. Students learn weapon handling and military readiness by middle school, reflecting a warrior mentality aimed at controlling the Middle East. As these textbooks depict political opponents as “enemies of God,” they teach the Iranian youth not just whom to hate, but how to fight, and that dying in the process, even by suicide, is a blissful experience. Among these depictions, we find inspirational portrayals of child warriors who had been martyred in service of the Islamic Revolution, particularly during the Iran-Iraq war.[17] Alarmingly, Iranian textbooks sanitize suicide martyr missions by distinguishing them from ordinary suicide, as one Grade 12 Sociology textbook ranks “martyrdom seeking” the most noble above “sacrificing one’s life” and “suicide”,[18] and the grade 9 Defense Readiness textbook teaches that martyrdom seeking is the most powerful asset against the enemy.[19]

Illustrations of how to wield an AK-47 rifle.

Defense Readiness, Grade 10, 2024-25 (1403), p. 70.

The martyr Marhamat Balazadeh,

Defense Readiness, Grade 10, 2024-25 (1403), pp. 37, 46.

Nuclear Vision

Importantly, how Iran perceives its nuclear project is crucial for evaluating its importance in the negotiation talks. The general tone of the curriculum – as seen in developing its nuclear facilities – is one of self-reliance and defying the revolution’s enemies.[20] The curriculum expresses strong national pride in Iran’s “nuclear achievements” and highlights the contributions of its young scientists. While the emphasis is placed on the peaceful use of nuclear energy, the narrative is infused with a revolutionary tone—framing progress as the result of overcoming formidable challenges posed by adversaries and honoring the sacrifices of martyrs. Mastery over the nuclear fuel cycle is presented as a hallmark of Iran’s status as a leading nation. The nuclear program’s military dimension is conveyed through its integration into the Defense Readiness curriculum. Nuclear scientists are portrayed as martyrs, alongside missile engineers and Iranian soldiers who died during military operations in the Arab world—framing their contributions within a broader narrative of national defense and sacrifice. Notably, the textbooks attribute the assassination of Iran’s nuclear scientists not only to Israel but explicitly to the United States, thereby reinforcing anti-American sentiment as a major theme. Conversely, a Qur’an Learning textbook frames the nuclear project as part of Iran’s cultural heritage;[21] by presenting the nuclear issue in a religious studies context, the regime effectively grants the nuclear project theological justification.

Research and present your findings in class about the heroes of the contemporary era, martyrs such as Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan (nuclear scientists), Hassan Tehrani Moghadam (missile industry scientist) and Mohsen Hojaji (defender of the Haram). […]

Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), p. 64.

Implications for Future Negotiations

With the flames of war seemingly intensifying, it is important to cast a light on education, understanding that curricula are instruments of state ideology. Far from merely educating the next generation, state textbooks embed the ideological worldview of governments and regimes. The portrayal of the “other” in textbooks reflects political strategy, in that the way textbooks depict external actors offers a unique lens into how the regime defines friends versus enemies. Textbooks therefore become part of the ideological battleground, when children deserve a less biased understanding of the world.

IMPACT-se’s reports clearly demonstrate how Iran’s textbooks reflect and promote the regime’s geopolitical stance, normalizing militarization, violent martyrdom, and anti-Western sentiment. The curriculum reinforces Iran’s revolutionary and expansionist ideology, ensuring that future generations will embrace these extremist goals. This may influence society, priming a generation for confrontation rather than negotiation. Militia activities are embedded in ideological teachings rather than tactical considerations, promising rewards like oil control, trade routes, regional dominance and nuclear self-reliance. Iran’s education system cultivates a “siege mentality”, creating an “us versus them” polarized narrative. This mindset makes compromise and diplomacy more difficult, as accommodation is framed as a betrayal of Iranian principles shapes a generation aligned with the regime’s aggressive vision.

Iran’s textbooks are being used as tools to perpetuate the normalization of militarization and martyrdom. They underscore a long-term commitment to conflict and ideological extremism, preparing Iranian youth to perpetuate the regime’s confrontational trajectory for multiple generations—or until reform is conducted. This reflects the regime’s long-term preparation and intention for continued conflict, which tallies with the lack of progress in nuclear talks.

The absolutist and indispensable value the Iranian textbooks ascribe to the nuclear program, showcasing them as a national right and duty, also indicates why negotiations have and will remain challenging, in the event that they are held following the current conflict.

Understanding that a change in mentality is crucially vital for future relations with the current Iranian regime, any post-conflict negotiations should look to include educational reform as part of human rights or social reform packages. Efforts to introduce human-rights clauses in nuclear negotiations, addressing martyr propaganda or child-soldier recruitment, might be viewed by Iran as attacks on the core principles of its revolution. Sanctions relief should therefore be directly linked to educational reform, emphasizing the urgency of upholding the Iranian curriculum to UNESCO standards of peace and tolerance in education, and refusal to compromise on the inculcation of children to become child soldiers. Once the flames of war are doused, educational reforms should be used as an indirect but critical measure to de-escalate and deradicalize Iranian views of the “other” and the West, primarily the U.S., and provide an opportunity for Iranian children to learn about an alternative future.

Please click here to read IMPACT-se’s most recent report on Iran’s curriculum

[1] Sina Azodi, “A history of continuity in Iran’s long nuclear program,” Atlantic Council, Dec. 8, 2020.

https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/iransource/a-history-of-continuity-in-irans-long-nuclear-program/.

[2] Religion and Life 3, Grade 12, Literature and Humanities, 2024-25 (1403), p. 167; Cf. Eldad J. Pardo, “Iran’s Radical Education: An Interim Update Report, 2021-22,” IMPACT-se, August 2022, p. 17.

[3] See for instance Sam Kaplan, The Pedagogical State: Education and the Politics of National Culture in Post-1980 Turkey, California: Stanford University Press, 2006; Tobias Ide, Denise Bentrovato, Jakob Kirchheimer, “School Textbooks, Peace and Conflict: an Introduction,” Global Change, Peace & Security 30(3) (2018), pp. 287-294.

[4] See Meir Litvak, Know Thy Enemy: Evolving Attitudes towards “Others” in Modern Shiʿi Thought and Practice, Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2021; Yonatan Negev, “Cursing the Companions of the Prophet Muḥammad (la‘n al-ṣaḥāba) in Pre-Modern Twelver Shi‘i Religious Thought” (Doctoral Dissertation), Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2022.

[5] Pardo, “Iran’s Radical Education,” pp. 7-9.

[6] Ibid, p. 71. Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), pp. 30, 65; Social Studies (Civics, History, Geography), Grade 8, 2024-25 (1403), p. 129; Defense Readiness, Grade 10, 2024-25 (1403), p. 50; Arabic, Quran Language, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), pp. 127‒28.

[7] Ibid. “Iran’s Radical Education,” pp. 74-76, 85, 87.

[8] Ibid. “Iran’s Radical Education”, pp. 14-15, 18-20.

[9] Heaven’s Presents: Islamic Education, Grade 6, 2024-25 (1403), p. 33; Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), p. 31; Heaven’s Messages, Grade 7, 2024-25 (1403), pp. 130-132.

[10] Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), p. 30.

[11] Pardo, “Iran’s Radical Education”, pp. 11-12.

[12] Ibid., pp. 77-88.

[13] Ibid., p. 56.

[14] Ibid., p. 54.

[15] Ibid., pp. 62-63.

[16] Defense Readiness, Grade 10, 2024-25 (1403), p. 49.

[17] Pardo, “Iran’s Radical Education”, p. 46.

[18] Sociology 3, Grade 12, Literature and Humanities, 2024-25 (1403), p. 46.

[19] Defense Readiness, Grade 9, 2024-25 (1403), p. 36.

[20] Pardo, “Iran’s Radical Education”, p. 115.

[21] Qur’an Learning, Grade 6, 2024-25 (1403), p. 64.
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After the 2011 Arab Spring, Syria descended into a prolonged civil war, which was predominantly suppressed by the Ba’athist regime. However, in 2024, opposition forces, led by the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al Sham (HTS), swiftly ousted Assad’s forces, beginning in Idlib and advancing to capture Damascus. HTS has indicated that it has moved away from its extremist roots. Following 13 years of devastating conflict involving both domestic and international players, Syria now stands at a pivotal social and cultural juncture. Will the Islamist origins of the new rulers emerge dominant, or will the nation shift towards a society built on peace and tolerance?

Educational reform:

The current Syrian constitution (which may be subject to change under the new regime) guarantees the right to education, which is free and compulsory at primary level, but is not mandatory at secondary level. The 1973 constitution further guarantees that the education system aims to create a socialist nationalist Arab generation, proud of its heritage; despite the scrapping of this Article in 2012, students continued to be taught core elements of Ba’athism.

However, following the fall of Bashar al-Assad, HTS have issued directives aimed at removing Ba’athist content from education with an aim to Islamize curricula, including science and the humanities. The HTS directives fall into two distinct categories: (1) overarching reforms that apply across all textbooks, such as removing Ba’athist symbols and eliminating anti-Ottoman content, and (2) page-specific instructions targeting secular and scientific concepts, such as content on evolution and images of women. These overarching reforms, particularly those related to Ottoman history, may reflect ideological alignment with Turkish influence which is noteworthy from a foreign policy perspective. Equally telling as the content HTS seeks to remove is what it has deliberately left intact. The absence of any directive to address antisemitic material, the glorification of violence, or anti-Israel narratives effectively signals an endorsement of it. Reform efforts must therefore focus not only on reversing harmful new directives, but also on eliminating the deeply problematic content that remains.

These directives were issued in January, but there is no confirmation they have been enacted or reflected in textbook prints. Given the early stage of the new regime in Syria, its long-term political objectives remain ambiguous. This is especially true since the appointment of a new transitional government in March, in an effort to create a more diverse cabinet, largely in response to western pressure for greater inclusivity.

While the directives issued by the former Minister of Education indicate a trend toward Islamization, the appointment of a new transitional government produces some uncertainty, and so it remains to be seen whether these directives are upheld or revised. However, since no formal reversal has been issued, a degree of continuity can reasonably be assumed.

Opportunities for the future:

The nascent regime offers substantial opportunities for the future of Syrian education. Under the Assad dictatorship, political expression and freedoms aligned with international educational standards were heavily suppressed. However, Syria now has a chance to adopt a fresh set of educational principles in accordance with UNESCO standards of peace and tolerance in education.

A positive step in this process would be the inclusion of content discussing ethnic minorities and their rights in Syria, especially given recent sectarian violence and division. At present, the Syrian curriculum, whether under Assad or HTS, completely excludes minority communities. These groups are neither visually nor narratively represented, and their erasure contributes to the underlying conditions that fuel sectarian violence.

The international community should closely monitor the direction of these curricular reforms. If implemented, many represent a shift towards exclusionary ideas, contravening UNESCO standards of education. There should be coordinated pressure on the Ministry of Education to halt or reverse these reforms in favor of a more inclusive and tolerant vision for Syrian education.

Recent efforts to promote diversity, as seen in changes to the Syrian cabinet, should be mirrored in the education sector through inclusive policies and curricula that reflect the country’s social and ethnic plurality. To ensure this, future international funding of the new regime should be contingent upon concrete reforms to the national curriculum that advance principles of peace, inclusivity, and tolerance. After 40 years of oppressive rule, this is an opportunity for the nation to embrace meaningful reforms and chart a new course for its educational system.
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